Web
and Book design,
Copyright, Kellscraft Studio 1999-2019 (Return to Web Text-ures) |
(HOME)
|
CHAPTER VII THE WEST BANK OF THE HUDSON The west bank is the poor
man's side of the Hudson, and such it has been ever since the first
white
settlers made their homes there. From Albany southward to Kingston, and
back to
the Catskills, it was settled by the Dutch and a handful of
impoverished
Huguenots, — farmers and farm laborers who took up small holdings,
which have
been held by their descendants for upward of two hundred years. It is a
country
with many school-houses but few churches, and more drug stores than
saloons.
The wise man rambling through it avoids the more modern hotels to stop
at the
old Dutch inns, where he will see gray-haired, smooth-shaven hotel
clerks, the
register on the bar, the floor clean from its morning scrubbing, a
dinner at
twelve o'clock with two kinds of meat, three kinds of vegetables, and
four
kinds of dessert, and after dinner can hear the venerable citizens,
standing
out on the porch, talk of things that happened during the Revolution,
with
occasional anecdotes about the French and Indian wars. The people of the west
bank are a slow-going folk. The telegraph and telephone wires pass
their doors,
but they are not generally used by the old citizens. Neither is the
railroad,
the construction of which is within the recollection of the children of
this
generation. They prefer the boats which go from one town to another at
intervals to accommodate the inhabitants, and count them good enough to
travel
by if any one wants a change from driving in a buggy. There is absence
of
poverty and little crime and few tramps. Tramps prefer the cast bank,
where the
fine country-places are. In the winter when the big ice-houses are
being filled
there is more of a turbulent element, but that causes little trouble,
and comes
from the east bank more than the west. Cutting ice along the west bank
is the
winter work for the farmers who care to piece out their income of the
summer.
The little graveyards are more frequent than the little villages. The
gravestones are close together under a few trees in the corner of a big
field,
the way that a brood of chickens cluster in the yard of a house. The
graveyards
contain the records of the family from the time its founders settled in
Ulster
County to escape religious persecution at their birthplace or factional
disturbances in Albany. Despite their comparative
poverty the people of the west bank have brought forth many strong and
brainful
men, and have made their share of history, — a fact vividly brought
home to the
mind of the wayfarer southward bound when he reaches the quaint and
beautiful
old hamlet of Leeds, four miles back from the town of Catskill and upon
the
right bank of the river of that name. The low plain on which Leeds
stands was
once the dwelling-place of a tribe of Algonquin Indians, whose sachems
in 1678
sold it, with the surrounding territory, for four miles in every
direction, to
Marten Van Bergen, justice of the peace and ruling elder in the Dutch
church at
Albany, and Sylvester Salisbury, captain in the British army and
commander of
his majesty's forces upon the Upper Hudson. Neither of these men lived
upon the
estate thus acquired, but their sons, when grown to manhood, took up
their
residence on their patrimony, and the houses which they built thereon
are still
standing, as sound in foundations, walls, and roof-beams as on the day,
now
nearing two centuries agone, when they were finished. At first the younger
Salisbury and Van Bergen dwelt in a wilderness, but in 1732 some eighty
persons
had settled on their lands, and thereafter the village had a slow but
steady
growth. The first care of these settlers, Hollanders and Germans from
the Lower
Palatinate, was to clear out and plant a few acres and to build houses
for
themselves and barns for their cattle. These needful tasks finished,
their
second care was to found a church, of which, in 1753, Dominie Johannes
Schuneman became pastor, ministering faithfully to his flock until his
death
forty years later. Very early in his ministry the dominie won the heart
and
hand of one of the daughters of rich Marten Van Bergen, and the house,
known as
the Parsonage, in which he dwelt with his bride still stands at the
farther
side of a fine old orchard in the outskirts of Leeds. Built of gray
sandstone,
and a story and a half high, a hall on the ground-floor gives access to
two
rooms on one side and to a larger room on the other. The study of the
dominie
was the southeastern room. Here he kept his scanty library, wrote his
sermons,
and received his neighbors when they came to him for friendly gossip or
for
advice. During the Revolution
Dominie Schuneman was an ardent supporter of the patriot cause. Not
content
with preaching from his pulpit the high duty of strenuous defence, lie
became a
member of the local Committee of Safety, and made his house a shelter
for the
soldiers who passed by on their way to the front, and a hospital when
they came
back sick with fever. The worthy man's enthusiasm aroused the wrath of
his Tory
neighbors, who would gladly have set the Mohawks upon him, but lie went
about
armed by day and slept at night with his gun by his side, and so
escaped harm.
Moreover, his congregation were in full sympathy with his high-wrought
patriotism. They were slow-witted men and cautious, but during the
Revolution
their ardor glowed against Great Britain as two hundred years before
that of
their ancestors had glowed against Spain and Alva. One in six of the
men of
Catskill, as Leeds was then called, became soldiers. Some received
commissions
in the New York line; others enlisting as privates, walked with their
muskets
upon their shoulders to Fort George and Stillwater; others became
scouts upon
the Mohawk; and others, through fear of the Iroquois, patrolled the
roads along
the Kaaterskill and in the valley of the Kiskatom. Mention has been made of
the house built by Francis Salisbury in 1705. After his occupancy there
lived
in it a man whose life formed a subject for a romance such as Poe would
have
loved to write. Malevolent and arbitrary, he is said to have so
ill-used a
bound girl in his service that she fled from the old house, aided, it
was
supposed, by her lover, a young Dutch settler. Her master rode into the
mountains in search of her, and discovering her at nightfall, tied her
to the
tail of his horse and started furiously back to Leeds. The horse dashed
the
girl to pieces on the rocks, and her murderer was arrested and brought
to
trial. His family united political influence with great wealth, and
when he was
justly condemned to death they obtained a respite of the sentence. The
curious
decree of the magistrates was that he should be publicly hung in his
ninety-ninth year, and meanwhile he was condemned to wear about his
neck a
halter, that all might know him to be a murderer doomed to death. From
this
time forth the criminal lived in seclusion, rarely coming into the
village,
isolating himself from his fellows, but doggedly wearing his halter,
which on
certain occasions had to be shown in public. When King George ceased to
rule
his American colonies the new order of things seems to have swept into
oblivion
the strange decree of the colonial magistrates, and the hapless owner
of the
Salisbury House was left to die in his bed; but his singular story
affected the
neighborhood, as might be expected, with a belief that the house was
haunted,
and moving tales used to be told of a spectral horse and rider, with
the
shrieking figure of a girl flung from it. Leeds's aged people will tell
you
that in childhood they lived in terror of the spot where the Salisbury
House
stands, firmly believing that its ghostly occupant, with a halter about
his
shrivelled neck, could at any moment appear. In these days, however,
the old house wears a peaceful and sunny look, foreign to all that is
ghostly
and uncanny, yet pleasantly reminiscent of bygone folk and days.
Indeed, in and
all about Leeds time and nature have touched things with a gentle hand,
and the
little village, embosomed by hills and dales, remains an almost perfect
relic
of a past fast becoming too traditional to seem our own. On the other
hand, the
riverside town four miles to the eastward, now called Catskill, but
known in
earlier years as the Strand or the Landing, seems to have forgotten its
plodding and quiet Dutch founders and has become a bustling and
thriving burg,
its only reminders of colonial times being a few olden houses, which
seem to
regard with stately, highbred indifference the activity of the noisy
town that
has grown up around them. None of these fine
specimens of early architecture has a history more romantically
interesting
than a house at the water's edge. It is built of graystone, with a fine
porch
and generous entrance and hallway, and its story begins before the
Revolution,
when Major John Dies, a British officer, married Miss Jane Goelet, and
at the
same time deserted and “fled” to Catskill, where he spent lavish sums
upon the
stone mansion still known as “Dies's Folly.” Tradition has it that in
spite of
his gay and reckless life he lived in constant fear of being arrested
as a
deserter, and at the first appearance of British troops betaking
himself to the
garret, would hide in a hollow of the chimney-stack, whose existence
was known
only to his wife, and to which she brought him food and drink in secret
until
the danger was over. When Madam Dies's father died he left his money in
such a
way that her husband could not squander it, and so after his death the
lady
lived in quiet comfort and much dignity of state, dying at a ripe old
age in
the last years of the last century. Wandering about the fine rooms of
the old
house, it is easy to people it with figures of the dashing major's
period; for
it, like many other famous dwellings in the neighborhood, has suffered
little
from change. The heavy rafters are untouched, walls and windows remain
as of
old, and the house itself, although near the town and the varying
elements of
the shore, seems set in a certain seclusion of its own, and gives a
tinge of
dignity to its surroundings. Yet for the sentimental
pilgrim lingering in Catskill there is a more winsome interest abiding
in a
house which stands on a hilly street about a mile from the village, and
which
was long the home of the most gifted and lovable of our early landscape
painters. It was in a golden, glowing October of the early 20's that
Thomas
Cole, journeying up the Hudson in search of motives for his brush, was
taken
captive by the beauty of the hills and coves of Catskill, and finding a
home
and, later, a wife in the village, lived and worked there until his
death. The
painter's house stands in a garden full of old-fashioned blossoms and
fragrance; its walls of yellow stone show in summer-time against a
gorgeous
garden of hollyhocks; the gateway is overhung with verdure; and below
the
ancient garden-beds are the pine woods reaching down, skirted by farm
lands to
the river. Near the entrance to the upper woods Cole built his first
studio,
where he worked upon the “Course of Empire” and other pictures
belonging to
that period; but nearer to the road stands his latest workshop, where
the busy
hand was arrested midway in his last effort, the “Cross and the World.” Cole, dying at the early
age of forty-seven, rests now in the village cemetery at Catskill, and
in the
old Wilt Wyck burial-ground at Kingston, the next halting-place in our
journey
southward, is the grave of John Vanderlyn, who in his time filled, like
Cole, a
large place in the world of art, and than whom no American painter of
the first
half of the century was the hero of a more brilliant and varied and,
one might
add, more troubled career. A native of Kingston and a protégé of Aaron
Burr,
Vanderlyn was the fellow-student in Rome of Washington Allston; at
Paris in
1808 he carried off the first honors of the Salon, and some of the
figure
pieces which he painted at this period remain the glory of our early
art.
However, his after-career in America, whence he returned in 1815, was a
long
disappointment both to Vanderlyn and his friends, for more tactful men
elbowed
him rudely in an overcrowded field, and neglect and poverty were the
constant
comrades of his last days. Singularly touching, when
it came, was Vanderlyn's end. One morning in September, 1852, he landed
from a
Hudson River steamboat in a feeble condition and set out to walk to
Kingston.
Fatigue quickly overcame him, and he was found sitting by the roadside
by a
friend, from whom he begged a shilling for the transportation of his
trunk,
adding that he was sick and penniless. He secured a small back room at
an inn
in the village, and the friend spoken of went quietly about among a few
of his
acquaintances with a subscription list for the ailing man's
maintenance. Funds
for the purpose were promptly pledged, but they were never needed. A
few
mornings after his arrival Vanderlyn was found dead in bed. Death,
merciful in
its summons to the veteran, had come to him while he slept. Love of his native village
seems to have been Vanderlyn's master passion, and there was reason for
it.
Kingston, with its leaf-embowered streets and its noble old-time air,
is one of
the most beautiful and restful towns along the Hudson. Founded in 1656
by a
band of steadfast and thrifty Hollanders, and called by turns Wilt
Wyck,
Æsopus, and Kingston, the village when Vanderlyn was born in 1776 had
already
taken on the dignity and charm of age. Much of its early history
centres about its
old Dutch church, in the shadow of which Vanderlyn is taking his rest,
and the
records of which, dating back to 1657, give piquant and amusing
glimpses of the
customs, manners, and condition of Kingston's first settlers. When the
church
wanted a bell, the pastor sent word that everybody who had had a child
baptized
at the church should bring a contribution. The congregation brought
offerings
of silver spoons, buttons, buckles, and ornaments of various kinds,
which were
sent to Holland and melted into the present bell that, now attached to
the
clock, strikes the hours from the church steeple. Travelling was a
serious
thing in those days. When Harmanus Meyer, the pastor in 1762, made a
trip to
Albany, fifty miles away, the congregation held a meeting before he
started;
the consistory prepared the form of prayers of the congregation “for
the
special protection of the pastor during his long and perilous journey
to
Albany,” and two elders accompanied him as far as Catskill to protect
him. It
now takes about an hour to go from Kingston to Albany by rail. The building, near the
centre of the town, in which the congregation at present worship is the
fourth
that has stood on the same spot. One of its predecessors was burned by
the
British in 1777, and this fact calls to mind the part played by
Kingston during
the Revolution. There the convention sat which framed the first
constitution of
the State of New York; there the new commonwealth was organized in the
summer
of 1777, and there the first Legislature was in session when Forts
Clinton and
Montgomery fell. When news of that event and the coming of a squadron
under Sir
James Wallace with several thousand soldiers under General Vaughan
reached
Kingston, the members of the Legislature fled. They supposed that the
then
capital of the State would feel most cruelly the strong arm of the
enemy; and
so it did. The British frigates anchored above Kingston Point, and
large
detachments of soldiers marching upon the town, laid nearly every house
in
ashes. One of the few buildings
which escaped in part the torch of the British and Tory was the old
Senate
House, now the property of the State. Built in 1676, the Senate House
was
already an old building when the Revolution came. Within its walls John
Jay
drew the draft of the constitution of the State and the Senate for a
time held
its sessions. Partly burned by the troops of General Vaughan, it was
rebuilt
soon afterwards, and occupied for years by men whose names are still
remembered
beyond the confines of their own town. Later still it passed into the
possession of the State, and, carefully restored, now stands as it did
in
former days. Its first owner, Wessel Ten Braeck, was a man of wealth
and
standing, and the house in his time was doubtless considered a building
of the
most aristocratic proportions, being seventy feet long, and having
ceilings two
feet higher than those in most houses of the period. Inside of the old
building, few changes have been made by the restorer, and there is a
delightful
air of antiquity about the rooms. Besides the Senate House, Kingston holds
other interesting relics of the Revolution, and all the way south to
West
Point, by way of Newburgh, New Windsor, and Cornwall, one comes at
every turn
on moving reminders of the great struggle waged nowhere more fiercely
than on
the west bank of the Hudson. As the steamboat approaches the wharf at
Newburgh,
over the broad expanse of the bay of the same name one descries near
the
southern end of the city a low broad-roofed house, built of stone, with
a
flagstaff near, and the grounds around garnished with cannon. That is
the
famous house built by Colonel Hasbrouck in 1750 and occupied as
head-quarters
by Washington during one of the most interesting periods of the war and
at its
close. Then the camp was graced by the presence of Mrs. Washington a
greater
part of the time and the wives of several of the officers, and until a
time
remembered by men not yet old the remains of the borders around the
beds of a
little garden cultivated by Mrs. Washington for amusement might have
been seen
in front of the mansion, which, now the property of the State, is
preserved in
the form it bore when Washington left it. Old Senate House,
Kingston, New York Interest in the building
centres, perhaps, in the room, with seven doors and one window, used by
the
owner for a parlor and by the commander-in-chief for a dining-room, and
in
which at different times most of the chief officers of the Continental
army,
native and foreign, and many eminent civilians were entertained by
Washington. Half
a century after the Revolution a counterfeit of that room was produced
in
Paris. Lafayette, a short time before his death, was invited, with the
American
minister and several of the latter's countrymen, to a banquet given by
the old
Count de Marbois, secretary to the first French legation in this
country during
the Revolution. At the hour for the repast the company were led to a
room which
contrasted strangely in appearance with the splendors of the mansion
they were
in, — low-boarded, with large projecting beams overhead; a huge
fireplace, with
a broad-throated chimney; a single small uncurtained window, and
numerous small
doors, the whole having the appearance of a Dutch or Belgian kitchen.
Upon a
long rough table was spread a frugal meal, with wine and decanters and
bottles
and glasses and silver goblets, such as indicated the habits of other
times.
“Do you know where we are now?” Marbois asked the marquis and the
American
guests. They paused for a moment, when Lafayette exclaimed, “Ah! the
seven doors
and one window, and the silver camp goblets, such as the marshals of
France
used in my youth. We are at Washington's head-quarters on the Hudson,
fifty
years ago!” The room thus vividly
recalled by Lafayette has, as I have stated, seven doors. The one on
the
northeast gives access to the former bedroom of Washington; a small
room
adjoining was his office, and is historic, because at a little desk
here, in
May, 1782, he wrote the letter declining the crown some of his field
officers
had planned to confer upon him, the masterly address to his disaffected
officers, and finally the pæan of joy and thanksgiving that announced
to the
army the return of peace. On the west is a door opening into a
moderate-sized
hall, in which is a stairway leading to the chambers above, and an
outer door
opening on the grounds on the west. On the south and southwest are
doors giving
access to the apartments occupied by the Hasbrouck family, and which
were in no
way connected with Washington's occupancy. The parlor in which Madam
Washington
received her guests was the northwest room, adjoining the office, and
opening
into the hall before mentioned. Following the acquisition
of the headquarters by the State in 1849, citizens of Newburgh and its
vicinity
began forming here a museum of Revolutionary relics, which in the
process of
time has become one of the most interesting collections of its kind in
existence. The old arm-chair of Washington has resumed its former post
in his
bedroom; portraits of General and Madam Washington and of Lafayette
hang on the
walls of the former office; the watch with which Madam Washington timed
the
coming of her guests is one of the trophies of the dining-room; so also
is the
battered copper tea-kettle in the fireplace, which once formed a part
of the
camp equipage of Lafayette; Aaron Burr's sword hangs in its iron
scabbard in
the southeast room; while a collection of several hundred letters and
private
papers reveals to the student the whole minutiæ of the Revolution and
acquaints
him with the secret thoughts and purposes of its leaders. The printed catalogue of
the collection enumerates upward of eight hundred articles. To the
lover of
Washington the most impressive of these are the letters and papers
dealing with
what is known as the Gates conspiracy, in the suppression of which the
patriot
commander gave shining proof of his almost perfect mastery of men. When
the
Continental army was about to be disbanded in the spring of 1783 Gates
and a
few other officers had inflammatory appeals distributed among the
troops urging
them to demand their pay and get it or overthrow the government. They
had fixed
a date for a convention of the disaffected elements, and the danger was
serious. The convention was largely
attended, and Gates was chosen as its chairman. Before the proceedings
had gone
far Washington entered, unattended and unannounced, his face wearing a
sad and
troubled look. He began a short speech, admitting the justice of their
claims,
and expressing deep sympathy for their sufferings, but appealed to them
not to
desert their country's cause after covering themselves with scars in
its
defence; and, above all, not to become the dupes of British intrigues,
as the
appeals that had aroused them had doubtless been the work of crafty
emissaries
of England, “eager to disgrace the army they had not been able to
vanquish.” He
assured them that Congress would do them justice, and took from his
pocket a
letter to sustain this assurance, which he attempted to read, but could
not
without putting on his glasses. Slowly raising them, he said, with
quiet
pathos, “My brothers, I have grown gray in your service, and now I find
myself
becoming blind.” At the conclusion he walked slowly out, but there was
no more
of the meeting. Those who remained did so only to pass a resolution
professing
implicit faith in Congress and loyalty to their country. A few weeks after this
incident just related, on April 19, 1783, came the last event of
importance in
the history of the patriot camp at Newburgh, — the publishing of the
proclamation of Congress announcing the cessation of hostilities.
Washington
had been in receipt of news of peace for some days, but hesitated to
publish it
to the army lest the troops who had enlisted for the war should
consider their
engagement filled and demand a discharge. But on the 18th, unable
longer to
conceal the good news, he issued his orders, directing that the
proclamation of
Congress should be published on the 19th, in the presence of the
several
brigades. By a happy coincidence it was the anniversary of the battle
of
Lexington, fought eight years before. When the day arrived, it was
ushered in
by salvoes of artillery, and at noon the nine brigades of the army,
drawn up on
dress parade, received from the lips of their commander-in-chief the
news of
the war's termination. This gathering, however, was but the precursor
of a
grand jubilee in honor of peace, which occurred some days later, and
which was
celebrated by the entire army at Newburgh, Fishkill, West Point, and at
all the
scattered outposts farther down the river. Early in June the army was
removed
to West Point, and there, and not at Newburgh, Washington's Farewell
Address
was read and the war-worn ranks formally disbanded. Cornwall, four miles below
Newburgh, is a growth of the present century, but New Windsor, lying
between
them, was long the head-quarters of Generals Knox and Greene, and
Cornwall
itself borrows a lively interest for the wanderer from the fact that it
is closely
associated with the closing years of Nathaniel Parker Willis. The house
to which
he gave the name of Idlewild stands a little way from the village, and
is still
green to the memory of the poet. Since Willis's death the place has
passed in
turn into various hands, until now it is the home of a wealthy New York
business man. Here and there in the
grounds remains a suggestion of the times of Willis. The pine drive
leading to
the house, along which the greatest literary lights of the
Knickerbocker period
passed during its palmy days, still remains intact, the dense growth of
the
trees only making the road the more picturesque, and the brook by which
Willis
often sat still runs on through the grounds as of yore, but in the
house
everything is remodelled and modernized. The room from whose windows
Willis was
wont to look over the Hudson, and where he did most of his charming
writing, is
now a bedchamber modern in its every appointment and suggesting its age
only by
the high ceiling and curious mantel. Cornwall has other
literary memories than those associated with Willis. Only a few city
blocks
from Idlewild is the house in which Edward Payson Roe lived and wrote
his books
and passed away, and the novelist's grave is in the little Presbyterian
cemetery of the village, close to the bank of the Hudson, — a spot of
exceeding
beauty and just the niche in a noble country where a lover of nature
should
take his rest. Everything about the plot proves that the place is not
forgotten. A large block of granite marks the burial-place of the
romancer,
while on it his name is carved twice, the first, “Edward Payson Roe,”
as a
family record, while the second, “E. P. Roe,” at the base of the stone,
indicates the public man. Journeying southward from
Cornwall, as the boat nears West Point one descries, in a house set on
a rocky
promontory jutting out from the bank of the river, another of the
literary
landmarks of the Hudson. In this house, a low, straggling structure
with tiny
windows and tinier panes of glass, which tell, even at a distance, of
colonial
times, Susan Warner lived and did her literary work, work which for the
time
being made her name a household word throughout the length and breadth
of the
land. Few women were more popular in her time, and yet to-day the
author of
“The Wide, Wide World” is almost forgotten. I thought of this as I
stood beside
her grave. It is in the military cemetery, close by the Cadet's
monument, where
she was buried in the spot she herself selected. The grave is kept
abloom by
the sister of the authoress, Anna Warner, herself a writer. A close
affection
existed between the Warner sisters, and it is the fragrance of this,
and almost
only this, that indicates to the visitor at the West Point grave that
the
author of some of the best-known novels ever written has not entirely
passed
from memory. Yet in and about West
Point there are not wanting a hundred proofs that the dead are not
forgotten.
Crowning the summit of Mount Independence, nature's guardian of our
national
military school, are the gray ruins of Fort Putnam, built under the
direction
of Kosciusko, and during the Revolution the most important of the
military
works along the Hudson. On the extremity of the promontory of West
Point are
the ruins of Fort Clinton, now sheltering a monument to the memory of
Kosciusko; and plainly visible a little way to the northward is the
former site
of Fort Montgomery, and on a plateau directly across the river stands
the
Beverley Robinson House, in which Benedict Arnold planned the betrayal
of his
country. Forts Clinton and
Montgomery and the intervening ground were the theatre of one of the
most
fiercely contested conflicts of the Revolution. The forts were built to
defend
the entrance to the Highlands against fleets of the enemy that might
ascend the
river, for it was known from the beginning that it was the purpose of
the
British to get possession, if possible, of the valley of the Hudson,
and so
separate New England from the other colonies. In addition to these
forts, a
boom and chain were stretched across the river from Fort Montgomery to
Anthony's Nose to obstruct navigation. On the 7th of October, 1777, the
British
general Clinton swept around the towering Donderberg with a part of his
army
and fell upon the forts, where George and James Clinton commanded the
little
garrisons. It was not an easy task
for the enemy to approach the forts through the rugged mountain passes.
They
had divided, one party, accompanied by Clinton, making their way
towards
evening between Lake Sinnipink, in the rear of the lower fort, and the
river.
There they encountered abatis covering a detachment of Americans, and a
severe
fight ensued, after which both divisions pressed towards the forts and
closely
invested them, being supported by a heavy cannonade from the British
flotilla.
The battle raged until nightfall, but finally overwhelming numbers
caused the
Americans to abandon their works and flee to the mountains. The
conflict ended
in the breaking of the boom and chain, and the passage up the river of
a
British squadron with marauding troops, who laid in ashes many a fair
homestead
belonging to patriots as far north as Livingston's manor, on the lower
verge of
Columbia County. Twelve miles south of West
Point the steamboat comes abreast of another stirring Revolutionary
landmark, a
rocky height advancing far into the river and known as Stony Point. Its
capture
on the 16th of July, 1779, was one of the most brilliant incidents in
the
brilliant career of “Mad Anthony” Wayne. Following the loss of Forts
Montgomery
and Clinton, Washington had projected two works, at Stony Point and
Verplanck's
Point, as outworks of the mountain passes above. A small but strong
fort had
been erected at Verplanck's Point and garrisoned by seventy men, and a
more
important work was in progress at Stony Point when the British, under
Clinton,
advanced up the Hudson; the men in the unfinished fort abandoned it on
the
approach of the enemy, and the latter took possession. The garrison on
the
eastern bank at the same time surrendered to General Vaughan. Sir Henry
stationed garrisons in both posts and completed the fortifications at
Stony Point. The chances for success in
a night assault upon the Point were talked over at the headquarters of
Washington at West Point. General Wayne was then in command of troops
in that
vicinity. “Can you take the fort by assault?” Washington asked Wayne.
“I'll storm
hell, general, if you'll plan it!” was the prompt reply. Washington
smiled, and
bade him attempt the recapture of the Point, which the British had
garrisoned
with six hundred men and crowned with strong works, furnished with
heavy
ordnance, commanding the morass and causeway that connected the Point
with the
mainland. On the night of July 15,
1779, a negro of the neighborhood guided Wayne and his men to the
Point, and by
giving the countersign to the sentinel they were enabled to cross the
causeway
without alarm. At the foot of the promontory the troops were divided
into two
columns, for simultaneous attacks on opposite sides of the works. The
Americans
were close upon the outworks before they were discovered; there was
then severe
skirmishing at the pickets. The Americans used only
the bayonet, the others discharged their muskets. The reports roused
the
garrison, and Stony Point was instantly in an uproar. Notwithstanding a
tremendous fire of grape-shot and musketry on the assailants, the two
columns forced
their way with the bayonet. Colonel Fleury entered the fort and struck
the
British flag. Major Posey sprang to the ramparts and shouted, “The fort
is our
own!” Wayne had received a contusion on the head from a musket-ball,
and
believing it was a death-wound, begged his aides to carry him into the
fort
that he might die at the head of his column, but he soon recovered his
self-possession. The two columns arrived nearly at the same time, met
at the
centre of the works, and the garrison surrendered at discretion. The
American
loss was less than a hundred killed and wounded, while of the British
more than
six times that number were slain and taken prisoners. With Stony Point left
astern, the boat enters the broad expanse of Haverstraw Bay, and
touches at the
town of the same name, whence a road passes among the hills to the
village of
Tappan, near which André was tried and executed, and which we had
planned to
make the last halt in our journey down the west bank of the Hudson. It
was the
second day after his ill-timed meeting with Arnold at Haverstraw, to
arrange for
the surrender of West Point, that André, hurrying southward to New
York, was
arrested near Tarrytown, and without delay conveyed to Tappan, the
head-quarters of the American army. Here, Arnold having meanwhile fled
to the
British camp, André was tried, condemned as a spy, and two days later
put to
death. The old graystone Dutch farm-house then used as a prison, in
which he
passed the last days of his short life, still stands in the outskirts
of Tappan,
and has lately been restored to its original form. The room in which
André
spent his waking hours and was visited by Alexander Hamilton and others
is in
the front of the house. Back of it is a smaller apartment in which he
slept,
and which has a window looking out to the west, where, tradition has
it, he saw
them rear the scaffold for his execution. From the house a gentle slope
carries
one up the hill, where André was hanged at mid-day of October 2, 1780,
“reconciled to death, but detesting its mode,” and begging those
present “to
bear witness that he met his death like a brave man.” His body was
buried at
the foot of the gallows, where it lay until 1821, when, by order of the
Duke of
York, the British consul at New York caused it to be disinterred and
sent to
England for final burial near a mural monument which George III. had
erected to
his memory in Westminster Abbey. Americans, generous always
in their sympathy for the unfortunate, have never forgotten André's
dying
request. He should have been left to sleep undisturbed in the spot
where kindly
nature had already claimed him for her own. END OF VOL. I. |