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CARNARVON CASTLE. THE CASTLES OF NORTH WALES IT seems a
far cry
from Carnarvon to Constantinople, from the castle of Krak des
Chevaliers, in
the County of Tripoli, to Harlech, on the cliffs of Wales. Yet it is to
the
Orient that one must go for the inspiration of the concentric type of
fortress,
which is seen at its best in the castles built by Edward I to subdue
the Welsh.
For Constantinople faithfully preserved the traditions of the Roman
Empire. The
Crusaders brought back to Europe from the East much that the West had
forgotten
during five centuries; and as the Byzantine Empire was not a dead limb
of
corruption (pace Gibbon), they brought back these military ideas
improved and
refined by a people which had fought continually to reconquer its lost
territories. The Crusaders were astonished to find at Constantinople a
triple
wall three miles in extent with a hundred flanking towers; and the
outer walls
were lower than the inner so that the soldiers of the triple line of
defence
could shoot simultaneously at the enemy. The walls at Constantinople
were of
the same lineage as those at Pevensey, but of a later generation. To
imitate
the simile contained in a well-known poem, it might be said that the
builders
of Carnarvon went to Pevensey by way of the Golden Horn. At the
sieges of
Acre and Antioch the Crusaders found that they had to capture the
flanking
towers — veritable fortresses in themselves — before they could carry
the walls
commanded by them. The Franks in Syria built many notable
fortifications in
which advantage was taken of their experience in the new tactical plan.
Even
the ruins of such strongholds as Kerak in the desert beyond Jordan, and
Krak
des Chevaliers, rival in dignity the walls of Carnarvon and Conway. The new
ideas
spread very gradually through Europe, from the time when Richard I,
acting on
first-hand knowledge, erected his Château Gaillard, which was, however,
built
to oppose successive lines of defence to the enemy rather than as a
network of
fortifications in which each section assisted another. The ideal castle
would
be capable of defence by the smallest possible garrison in proportion
to the
size of the army of attack; it would allow a party from the garrison to
make a
sortie from one point in order to attack an enemy force that was
engaged
elsewhere in an assault; it would therefore oblige the besieger to
weaken his
forces by dividing them so as to cover all the defences, and it would
be so
situated by sea or river as to allow a relieving party to reach the
castle
without passing through the besieger’s lines. In the ideal castle of
the type,
siege engines could not be brought up to walls enfiladed by flanking
towers,
and these towers with the gatehouses could hold out by themselves for a
time as
isolated citadels if every other part of the defences were captured by
the
attackers. The fruition of these ideas is still to be seen in the
famous
defences of Carcassonne in France, which were erected after the
Albigensian
Crusade at a time contemporary with the building of Caerphilly. The Welsh
castles
were not, like most of the English castles, adapted for successive
military
needs. It is possible to trace the evolutionary growth of the Tower of
London,
of Dover, and even of the border-line castles at Chepstow and Ludlow.
Because
few castles were built on new sites in England after the reign of Henry
II, the
English castles were for the most part makeshift in the best sense of
the word.
Lessons learnt abroad and at home had to be applied to existing
castles.
Ingenious barbicans and flanking towers were added to the Norman walls,
and a
compromise had to be hammered out between the military and the domestic
aspects; but the English castles were none the less strong for that,
and the
early splendour of their domestic buildings reflects the rise of a
capable
monarchy. But it was
otherwise in Wales. There, until the middle of the fourteenth century,
castles
were built for immediate military purposes. The chains of castles
extending to
Pembroke and northward up the river valleys; from Shrewsbury into the
mountains; and from Chester to Criccieth, were block-houses to hold
each new
conquest. They were built rapidly in most cases, but always to a design
carefully
suited to the nature of the site. The military element was predominant;
there
was little room for the more refined comforts of English baronial life.
And the
royal castles, in North Wales in particular, proved almost by their
existence
that they were no longer needed. That the King could build Conway or
Beaumaris
was an indication that he had conquered, that there was the less need
for such
castles. Possibly Wales might still have been lost without them, but by
the
time of the Wars of the Roses they stood for no more and no less than
any of
the royal castles in England. They stood for the struggle between
Lancastrian
and Yorkist, not for the English against the Welsh. And because they
were built
at a late period with scientific care, they remain without alterations
and
improvements at the hands of later generations as examples of the
highest level
to which the art of castellation rose in these islands during the
Middle Ages. There is a
strange
story that in the reign of Henry I a Syrian named Lalys was settled in
Glamorgan by Richard de Glanville. He lived at Lalestown, assisted in
the first
buildings at Neath Abbey, and presumably left his mark upon the castles
in the
neighbourhood; but he made no impression upon the general history of
military
architecture. In 1277 when Edward I, upon the submission of Llewelyn,
immediately began the erection of Rhuddlan, he employed as his
architect a man
with the high-sounding name of Master James de St. George, whom we find
engaged at a later period on Conway, Harlech, and Beaumaris. It has
been
suggested that the architect of Harlech must have been responsible also
for
Caerphilly, but little is certainly known of Master James de St.
George, except
that he was the magister operacionum regis in Wallia, drawing
at one period a
salary of three shillings a day in the money of the time, and later a
yearly
retaining fee of one hundred marks. The many
strongholds which this architect may have planned were intended to
blockade
Snowdonia. Some of these were Welsh fortresses originally,
reconstructed by the
victorious English. It is curious that the Welsh ever took to
castle-building.
The mountains were sufficient defences in themselves when the plains
had been
surrendered. Edward’s military problem might be compared with the siege
of a
Norman castle. Snowdonia was an impregnable keep with Anglesey and the
coastal
strip an enclosure or granary at its foot. If the Welsh were to build
castles
anywhere they should have built them in the flat lands. But such
castles as
Criccieth, Harlech, Bere, and Dolwyddelan, in various states of
disrepair, are
the eagles’ nests of the defeated Welsh, occupied by the victors; while
in the
lowlands we find Conway, Carnarvon, Beaumaris, and Rhuddlan among those
built
on new sites by the English invaders. Harlech stands boldly upon a rock 200 feet in height, with a sandy plain at its foot separating it from the sea. It belongs to the orthodox concentric type, for its lines of defence lie one within another; but it is not built on a geometric plan like Beaumaris, for the walls follow the contour of the rock, and are built to command a frontage on the sea whence relief could arrive during a siege. The outer ward, irregular in shape, made a large enclosure to the north of the main fortifications, taking in the slopes of the hill down to the sea. On the west side was the water-gate, defended by a pit and a drawbridge. Thence a steep path, the way from the marsh, led upward, commanded at all points from the walls of the enclosure, to an upper gate in the wall, defended in the same manner. A survey taken in the reign of Henry VIII describes how this cleverly-protected “Weye from the Marshe,” with a drawbridge at the lower level “to issew forthe horsemen or footemen, is forced upon the side of the rocke, having a strong wall towards the sea, being in length to another drawbridge c yerdes.” HARLECH CASTLE. The
square-set
buildings of the castle itself stand at the south-east corner of this
enclosure
at the summit of the rock, surrounded at a slightly lower level by the
walls of
the middle ward with bastions at three of the angles and a barbican in
front of
the great gatehouse on the landward side. The walls of the outer
enclosure
joined the curtain of the middle ward in the southern and eastern
sides, so at
that point there were only two lines of defence. To remedy the defect a
deep
fosse was cut in the solid rock. The inner ward, roughly square, with
round
towers projecting at the angles, was very well protected from attack on
three
sides by the declivity of the hill, out of which the walls rose to a
height of
40 feet. At Harlech
there
was only one gatehouse, not two as at Beaumaris and elsewhere. This was
a
square building astride the wall projecting from the curtain towards
the town
in two rounded towers, its rear forming a rectangular block in the
inner ward
with round towers at the angles. The only feasible approach to the
castle,
then, was by ditch and barbican, and through the passage of the
gatehouse, 54
feet in length, obstructed by three gates and three portcullises with a
meurtrière opening at each end. Still the most perfectly preserved
portion of
Harlech castle, the gatehouse has three floors containing the private
dwelling
rooms of the Constable, with two private oratories, and guardrooms.
Around the
other walls of the ward were the quarters of the garrison, now largely
destroyed; but they included a hall, kitchens, and a chapel. The rebuilding of Harlech was probably begun in 1283, immediately after the death of Llewelyn and the capture of David, and there is probably no part of the castle later than the reigns of Edward I or his son. It maintained a garrison of no more than thirty men, which was yet large enough to defend the castle for three months in 1293. In the rising of Owen Glen dower the castle was manned by only five Englishmen and fifteen Welshmen; but even after the capture of the Constable “the remnent of the sowdiers kept the Castel welynough “until it was shamefully delivered up “for a certain sum of gold.” Harlech was the last castle surrendered to the Yorkists in the Wars of the Roses, and the last to hold out for Charles I in the Civil Wars. On the first occasion the Constable Dafydd ab Jevan ab Einion, called upon to surrender to Edward IV, proudly replied that “he had kept a castle so long in France as to make all the old women in Wales talk of him, and he would keep this castle so long as to make all the old women in France talk of him.” In 1604 it was reported that Harlech was “as yet kept in somme better reparacioun than anye of his Majesty’s Castles in North Wales,” so that it was well prepared to give Major-General Mytton a stout resistance, though it was held by only forty-five men, and surrendered in 1647. CONWAY CASTLE. Neither
Conway nor
Carnarvon are orthodox, concentric castles, inasmuch as in each case
the two
wards are adjacent on a narrow site, but all the other principles of
the
concentric type are implied in their construction. Conway closed the
approach
to Snowdonia by land and river. It replaced the Norman fortress of
Deganwy
higher up the River Conway on the English side, and being on the Welsh
bank it
acted as a bridgehead for the safe guarding of Edward’s lines.
Carnarvon,
which was the Roman Segontium, held the end of the road at the mouth of
the
River Seiont. Although they resemble each other superficially in plan,
it is
not thought that the same architect was responsible for the two
castles. The
round towers of Conway with turrets only in the inner ward can never be
confused with the gaunt, octagonal towers of banded limestone at
Carnarvon, with
high turrets rising above them. The Eagle tower at Carnarvon is capped
by three
turrets, which have been fancifully compared with the three feathers of
the
Principality; for tradition, if not history, points to the Eagle tower
as the
birthplace of the first Prince of Wales. Both at Conway and Carnarvon
the walls
of the tower meet in the castle walls. At Conway the north-western
angle of the
castle was inside the town, and at Carnarvon the length of the castle
took the
place of a town wall on the south. Thus the town was an outer bailey to
the
castle, but the possibility of the defection of the citizen was not
unprovided
for: this is evident from the concentration of arrow slits on the head
of the
street leading to Carnarvon castle, and on the ground before the main
gate. The
towers flanking the gate were thickly set with slits commanding every
inch of
the entrance — some of them pointing inwards to cover the Welsh in the
rear as
they battered against successive portcullises. Conway
castle,
roughly oblong in plan, was divided into two wards by a thick wall near
the
middle of its longer sides. At either end were platforms defended by
walls and
bastions. There was no gatehouse. The approach from the town, led
through an
outer gate up a steep ascent, over a drawbridge thrown across the ditch
separating town from castle, and then through an inner gate to the
western
platform. A sharp turn to the left led to the well- defended gateway of
the
outer ward. By this device of a right‑angle turn an enemy could be
taken in
flank as he approached the gateway. A similar arrangement was in use at
Beaumaris. The eastern platform gave access to the water-gate by the
sea. A
hall and chapel were ranged against the south side of the outer ward,
but the
hall was a poor one, for it followed the curve of the wall. In the
inner ward
was a further series of living apartments, including the royal
quarters, and in
the Queen’s tower a beautiful apsidal oratory in three bays with a
lancet
window in each. At
Carnarvon the
shape is rather that of a figure eight, for the sides are drawn in a
little
where the cross-wall divided the enclosure into two wards. The division
has now
entirely disappeared, making it possible to see from end to end of the
castle.
Where Conway had no gatehouse Carnarvon had two. The King’s Gate,
facing the
town, is now the only entrance, for the Queen’s Gate on the east is 25
feet
from the ground and could only have been approached by a steeply rising
bridge
across the moat. These two gatehouses with the Eagle tower at the west
end
(which was virtually the keep or strong tower of the castle) were the
pivotal
features of the castle. There was also a postern. Apart from these
strategic
provisions for defence there was a quay by the river-side for ships to
discharge cargo, and the long line of wall fronting the river was
pierced with
three rows of loops served by two mural galleries and the rampart walk.
Conway
was more economically defended, for attack was inevitably concentrated
upon the
only exposed point, the gateway, which was so well protected; but at
Carnarvon
the defensive measures were more thoroughly worked out, and an enemy
would have
to scatter his forces very widely to safeguard himself from being taken
in the
flank by a sortie. The
history of
Conway was very much the history of Carnarvon. In 1295, when the
building of
Carnarvon was half finished, a son of Llewelyn roused the people to
rebellion
when a large
number were
in the town for a fair. The castle was taken, the Constable hanged, and
Edward
hurried into Wales for the last time. He was forced to retreat upon
Conway,
after losing his baggage train, and there he was perilously besieged,
for a
high tide prevented the boats containing his supplies from crossing the
river.
He was able to put down the rising within a year, however, but the
rebuilding
of Carnarvon was necessary — he ordered the Justices of Chester to find
100
masons for the royal works at Carnarvon — and to safeguard Anglesey he
built
Beaumaris at the opposite end of the Menai Straits. During Owen
Glendower’s
rebellion Conway fell into the rebels’ hands for a few days, but Sir
John
Chandos with twenty men-at-arms and eighty archers, beat off the rebel
leader’s
attacks at Carnarvon in 1402. In the Civil Wars Conway, defended by
Archbishop
Andrews of York and Sir John Owen, and Carnarvon, defended by Lord
Byron, were
both invested and forced to surrender by Major-General Mytton. Harlech,
on a crag
by the sea, is at its best in a storm of wind or by a bright moon, but
Conway
or Carnarvon deserve the sun light. Conway rivals York as an example
of a
mediæval walled town, and excels York in that the castle is so nearly
intact.
It commands the town on a promontory of a higher level, as Carnarvon
castle
overshadows its town by the height of its curtain walls. Carnarvon
castle is,
however, the better preserved of the two, for its walls are kept free
from ivy,
and it has more historical associations as the castle of the Prince of
Wales.
Dr. Johnson was not alone in the appreciation of Carnarvon, which he
expressed
during his visit in 1774. “I did not think there had been such
buildings,”
exclaimed this lover of London ways, “it surpassed my ideas.” |